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When the first edition of the GB was published in few might have predicted that its nearly one thousand pages were but a prelude to a venture that would span nearly five decades. By 1915, the initial two volumes of the first edition had expanded to twelve, with each volume consisting of hundreds of pages. Even more impressive than the volume of Frazer’s writing is the mountain of source material beneath it, consulted in several languages. The bibliography of the third edition fills almost a hundred and fifty pages. For more than fifty years, twelve or fifteen hours a day, seven days a week, Frazer read with steel pen in hand, copying out passages of anthropological interest into notebooks, or worked at compiling the notebooks into books. Only a relatively small amount of lecturing, walking and travel interrupted this lifetime of industry, in which Frazer literally read and wrote himself blind. Alongside his expansive source material, perhaps an equally sizable bibliography could be made up of writing inspired by Frazer’s text. Such works would span the fields of literature, anthropology, the classics, philosophy, and no small amount of poetry and popular prose.¹ Needless to say that in terms of either effort or effect, the GB was no small task.

While the degree of Frazer effort is easy to show, it says little of his aims. What is the work of this text into which Frazer put so much of his life? Why did it become such a notable source of inspiration and scorn. Surprisingly, the question of how to read the GB (of what kind of work it is) tends to be passed over. Most prefer to draw attention to methodological and theoretical error in the text. , for example, associates Frazer with an if-I-were-a-horse brand of reasoning, that is, ungrounded a priori speculation Among Frazer’s many anthropological critics, Leach  stands out for his persistence and aggression on matters of theory, methodology, and historical fact. There was very little basis for Frazer’s great reputation he was not an accurate scholar or an original thinker. In the context of this article, it is the nature of these attacks that requires attention. Take, for instance, Leach’s reproach of analogic thinking in Frazer evidence has no relevance whatsoever the analogies from other parts of the world have no bearing on the matter. Politicians can argue in this fashion, but not professional scholars. This qualifier, professional, carries the weight of a disciplinary boundary and with it endeavors to set anthropological modes of reasoning apart from more vulgar attempts at explaining human social life. To Leach  anthropology should be more than idle (or even informed) speculation.

The discipline should instead be founded on scientific reasoning and objective methods. Leach must have felt compelled to confront the GB not because it was significantly worse than other anthropological forebears, but because of its extraordinary popularity. The public love for Frazer text was a not-so-private embarrassment for the professional social scientist who couldn’t but read Frazer, not for the anthropology he does  but for one they wished he had done. Historical evidence indicates that humankind has sought to divine meaning from the natural world, often by explaining its origins through mythology and folktales. Advances in agriculture and horticulture had an obvious impact on human development, but to study the mythology of a plant in addition to its taxonomy, characteristics, and habitat can bring about enriched layers of understanding. One cannot ignore the irony that a ritual of perpetual violence and temporality operated as an essential component to the worship of a fertility goddess. Why break off a tree branch and then confront a fight to the death. Was this meant to be an act of self-sacrifice combined with harming another human being. Who would want any part of this priesthood if its destiny would result in an untimely death. What made that particular tree sacred to the worship of Diana. Why did the requisite challenger of the priest.